SOTU-POTUS

The full text of the State of the Union address and interspersed commentary is provided below the fold. The response provided by Virginia Governor Bob McDonnell in the chamber of the oldest legislative body in America was brilliant and a stark contrast to the address by President Obama. In Richmond, an address of optimism belonging to a free people who are capable, self sufficient and generous and who can govern themselves at government which is close to and response to them. In Washington, an address of a petty tyrant, that national government is the only answer to all problems for a people who are dependent serfs. Comments are shown offset by breaks and contrasting color.


Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President
shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For
two hundred and twenty years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty.
They have done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And
they have done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of
great strife and great struggle.

It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our
progress was inevitable – that America was always destined to succeed.
But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first
landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market
crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on
Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were times
that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our
union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements; our hesitations
and our fears; America prevailed because we chose to move forward as
one nation, and one people.

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by
severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a
government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum
warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we
acted – immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of
the storm has passed.

But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find
work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small
towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. For those
who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder.

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's
families have been dealing with for decades – the burden of working
harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or
help kids with college.

So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not
new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These
struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart,
Indiana and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that
I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children –
asking why they have to move from their home, or when their mom or dad
will be able to go back to work.

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast
enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why
it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on
Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to
solve any of our problems. They are tired of the partisanship and the
shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American
people hope – what they deserve – is for all of us, Democrats and
Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing
weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have
different backgrounds, different stories and different beliefs, the
anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared.

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The people do not have shared aspirations. Some have aspirations that the rest will pay for their health care, mortgage, rent, food, education etc. The rest hope to pay for these things themselves. If the first group succeeds the second cannot, and for the second group higher taxes, fewer choices, diminished freedom destroys their hope and ability to give their children a better life.

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A job that pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. Most of all, the
ability to give their children a better life.

You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in
the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our
history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids; starting
businesses and going back to school. They're coaching little league and
helping their neighbors. As one woman wrote me, "We are strained but
hopeful, struggling but encouraged."

It is because of this spirit – this great decency and great strength
– that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am
tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up.
We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit.
In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that
matches their decency; that embodies their strength.

And tonight, I'd like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that promise.

It begins with our economy.

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same
banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if
there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, it's that
we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. You hated it. It was about
as popular as a root canal.

But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was
popular – I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the
meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it
is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would
have surely been lost.

So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the
financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it
more transparent and accountable. As a result, the markets are now
stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money we spent on the
banks.

To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. I
know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford
to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back
the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.

As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our
economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help
Americans who had become unemployed.

That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more
than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65% cheaper for
families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different
tax cuts.

Let me repeat: we cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95% of working
families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for
first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for
their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for
college. As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas,
and food, and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep
more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a
single person. Not a single dime.

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By letting the tax cuts expire you have raised taxes on every single person and by hundreds of dollars not dimes.

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Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans
working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in
construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education
workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional
officers, and first responders. And we are on track to add another one
and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to
the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right – the Recovery Act, also
known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say
that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don't
have to take their word for it.

Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act.

Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to
be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work
shifts just because of the business it created.

Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her
principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act,
she wouldn't be laid off after all.

There are stories like this all across America. And after two years
of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have
started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to
invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories,
of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where
their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after
week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number
one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs bill
tonight.

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be
America's businesses. But government can create the conditions
necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.

We should start where most new jobs do – in small businesses,
companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or
a worker decides its time she became her own boss.

Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered
the recession and are ready to grow. But when you talk to small
business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio,
you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again,
they are mostly lending to bigger companies. But financing remains
difficult for small business owners across the country.

So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall
Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small
businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also proposing a
new small business tax credit – one that will go to over one million
small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at
it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business
investment; and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and
small, to invest in new plants and equipment.

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure
of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the interstate highway system,
our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe
or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that
manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break
ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There
are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs
and help our nation move goods, services, and information. We should
put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give
rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which
supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses
to stay within our borders, it's time to finally slash the tax breaks
for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to
companies that create jobs in the United States of America.

The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps.
As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the
same. People are out of work. They are hurting. They need our help. And
I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.

But the truth is, these steps still won't make up for the seven
million jobs we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move
to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic
growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have
confronted for years.

We cannot afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one
from last decade – what some call the "lost decade" – where jobs grew
more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the
average American household declined while the cost of health care and
tuition reached record highs;

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Tuition, health care and housing prices reached record highs only as the result of government interference in the market place.

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where prosperity was built on a housing
bubble and financial speculation.

From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our
larger challenges is too ambitious – that such efforts would be too
contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we
should just put things on hold for awhile.

For those who make these claims, I have one simple question:

How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as
the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp
its economy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These nations
aren't standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place.
They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding
their infrastructure. They are making serious investments in clean
energy because they want those jobs.

Well I do not accept second-place for the United States of America.

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Or first place. In fact I would prefer last place, but I am not quite there yet. I still need cap and tax to get there.

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As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates
may be, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are
hampering our growth.

One place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not
interested in punishing banks, I'm interested in protecting our
economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for
businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the
savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can
only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly
brought down our entire economy.

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the
information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow
financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to
take risks that threaten the whole economy.

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Lehman Brothers, Bear Stearns, AIG, Fannie and Freddie all were not deposit taking institutions. It was their failure that threatened the economy. How can a tax on banks improve the stability of the financial system?

======================

The House has already passed financial reform with many of these
changes. And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it. Well, we
cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk
does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back.

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made
the largest investment in basic research funding in history – an
investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or
treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched.
And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see
the results of last year's investment in clean energy – in the North
Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make
advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put 1,000
people to work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more
production, more efficiency, more incentives. That means building a new
generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It
means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil
and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels
and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive
energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean
energy the profitable kind of energy in America.

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. This
year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I
know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes
in a tough economy; and I know that there are those who disagree with
the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But even if you
doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and
clean energy are the right thing to do for our future – because the
nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that
leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.

Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more
products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support
right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double
our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two
million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a
National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses
increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with
national security.

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors
are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade
deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores.

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Free nations do not trade. Companies and individuals trade. Governments can only negotiate to remove governmental barriers to free trade between individuals and enterprises.

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But
realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our
trading partners play by the rules. And that's why we will continue to
shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will
strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South
Korea, Panama, and Colombia.

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.

This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and
right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. The
idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward
success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform –
reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in
math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the
future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to
inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty
programs is a world-class education. In this country, the success of
our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential.

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But meanwhile he did not oppose ending vouchers in D.C. and condemning the students their to attend their failed school system.

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When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will
work with Congress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still,
in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job.
I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will
revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the
children of so many working families. To make college more affordable,
this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go
to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take that money and give
families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase
Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students that when they
graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their income
on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty
years

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Profligacy writ large. Encourage students to incur debts which are wildly out of proportion the the earnings their education would enable, and then write the debt off when it is unpaid.

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– and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public
service. Because in the United States of America, no one should go
broke because they chose to go to college. And it's time for colleges
and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs – because
they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem.

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing
the middle-class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to
chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. That's why we're nearly
doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for
retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and
expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why
we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment
– their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing
market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and
save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.

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Save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments? A year? A month? Life of mortgage?

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This year, we will step
up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable
mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class
families that we still need health insurance reform.

Now let's be clear – I did not choose to tackle this issue to get
some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly
obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics.

I took on health care because of the stories I've heard

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His national health care reform plan is based on stories he has heard?

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from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting
coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; and families – even
those with insurance – who are just one illness away from financial
ruin.

After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to
bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach
we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of
the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured
Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a
competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover
preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady,
Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle
the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.

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Mrs. Obama is appointed fat czar.

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Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have
insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs
and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to
the Congressional Budget Office – the independent organization that
both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress – our
approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over
the next two decades.

==========================

His approach is cut Medicare by $500 billion per year. For 20 years that is $10 trillion. How come the savings will be just $1 trillion for 20 years?

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Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the
more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not
explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with
all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most Americans
wondering what's in it for them.

But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm
finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health
insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow.
Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small
business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not
walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this
chamber.

As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the
plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and
health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a
vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party
has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the
deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop
insurance company abuses, let me know. Here's what I ask of Congress,
though: Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so
close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the
American people.

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not
enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find
ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to
solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.

So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the
record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a
budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had
a one year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8
trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not
paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug
program.

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Is Obama proposing doing away with Medicare Part D? Seniors should be concerned. First death panels, now no drugs.

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On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion
hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the door.

Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked
nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took
office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression
have added another $1 trillion to our national debt.

I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But
families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough
decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I'm
proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to
rescue the economy last year.

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Wipe out the $1 trillion deficit, $15 billion at a time for 3 years. This does not add up. Did the President take any of those math courses he is promoting?

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Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for
three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare,
Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other
discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family,
we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice
what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.

We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate
programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified
$20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we will
extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we
will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers,
and those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it.

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still
face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly,
the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to
skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission,
modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent
Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us
pretend we solved a problem. The Commission will have to provide a
specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Yesterday, the Senate
blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I will issue
an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse
to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when
the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go
law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.

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The reaction to this was just derisive laughter. The president was openly mocked at this point.

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I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address
the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still
hurting. I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until
next year, when the economy is stronger.

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The 2010 budget has already been signed without any freeze. That is why any freeze cannot take place until 2011.

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But understand – if we do not
take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets,
increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery – all of
which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family
incomes.

From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument –
that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts
for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the
status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is,
that's what we did for eight years. That's what helped lead us into
this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. And we cannot do
it again.

Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated
Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in
our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our
responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense.

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of
dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust – deep and corrosive
doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To
close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of
Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do
our work openly; and to give our people the government they deserve.

That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why – for the first
time in history – my Administration posts our White House visitors
online. And that's why we've excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs
or seats on federal boards and commissions.

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There may be a job or seat that has not been filled by a lobbyist. If so I have not heard of it. But to say that lobbyists have been excluded from policy making jobs is a flat lie.

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But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose
each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or
Congress. And it's time to put strict limits on the contributions that
lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. Last week, the Supreme
Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special
interests – including foreign corporations – to spend without limit in
our elections. Well I don't think American elections should be
bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign
entities. They should be decided by the American people, and that's why
I'm urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right
this wrong.

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Congress shall make no law respecting freedom of speech. What part of no do you not understand Mr. President. Your oath was to uphold, protect and defend the Constitution. When you disrespect the Supreme Court sitting right in front of you, you make yourself look the petty tyrant.

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I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark
reform.

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That omnibus spending bill with 8000+ earmarks was the path or earmark reform?

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You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some
meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For
example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online.
Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a
single website before there's a vote so that the American people can
see how their money is being spent.

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.

Now, I am not naïve. I never thought the mere fact of my election
would usher in peace, harmony, and some post-partisan era. I knew that
both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some
issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always
cause us to part ways.

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Slavery versus freedom is not a philosophical difference. We will always be unalterably opposed to every tyranny over the minds of man.

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These disagreements, about the role of
government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national
security, have been taking place for over two hundred years. They are
the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every
day is Election Day. We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only
goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their
opponent – a belief that if you lose, I win.

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Was it not Obama who told Republicans, we had an election, I won you lost?

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Neither party should delay
or obstruct every single bill just because they can.

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They should not obstruct every bill, just those that trample on the rights of the people and destroy the substance.

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The confirmation
of well-qualified public servants should not be held hostage to the pet
projects or grudges of a few individual Senators. Washington may think
that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, is just
part of the game. But it is precisely such politics that has stopped
either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it is sowing
further division among our citizens and further distrust in our
government.

So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics. I
know it's an election year. And after last week, it is clear that
campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to
govern. To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest
majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems,
not run for the hills.

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Why would democrats be running for the hills unless they know the American people have no confidence in their program and are looking to promote them into careers outside of government.

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And if the Republican leadership is going to
insist that sixty votes in the Senate are required to do any business
at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is now yours as
well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but
it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our
ambitions. So let's show the American people that we can do it
together. This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House
Republicans. And I would like to begin monthly meetings with both the
Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't wait.

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than
our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has
dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but
I am not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us
love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put
aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Let's reject the false
choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's
leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our
nation and forge a more hopeful future – for America and the world.

That is the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we
have renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation.

===================================

Focus like a laser beam, but be effective. Don't mirandize panty bomber leaving America vulnerable.

=============================

We have made substantial investments in our homeland security and
disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling
unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better
airline security, and swifter action on our intelligence. We have
prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to
South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of
Al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have
been captured or killed – far more than in 2008.

In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan
Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and
our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance,
reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans – men and
women alike. We are joined by allies and partners who have increased
their own commitment, and who will come together tomorrow in London to
reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I
am confident we will succeed.

======================

Dead silence, no applause to the line 'I am confident we will succeed. Not one member of congress believed him.

======================

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to
its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and
that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat
troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi
government as they hold elections, and continue to partner with the
Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no
mistake: this war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.

=========================

Our combat troops will be out of Iraq or all of our troops are coming home. Which is it?

=========================

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq,
Afghanistan, and around the world – must know that they have our
respect, our gratitude, and our full support. And just as they must
have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to
support them when they come home. That is why we made the largest
increase in investments for veterans in decades. That is why we are
building a 21st century VA. And that is why Michelle has joined with
Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.

==========================

Mrs. Biden and Obama will work to reduce obesity among military children. That will support them.

==========================

Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting perhaps the
greatest danger to the American people – the threat of nuclear weapons.
I have embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through
a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons, and seeks a world
without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring
our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations
on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And
at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring forty-four nations
together behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials
around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands
of terrorists.

=====================

The vulnerable nuclear material is in North Korea and Pakistan. Just how will diplomats in wet panties go about this task. Strongly worded letters threatening paper cuts.

=====================

These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing
with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in
pursuit of these weapons. That is why North Korea now faces increased
isolation, and stronger sanctions – sanctions that are being vigorously
enforced. That is why the international community is more united, and
the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran's leaders
continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: they,
too, will face growing consequences.

That is the leadership that we are providing – engagement that
advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We are
working through the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We are
working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science,
education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in
the fight against climate change. We are helping developing countries
to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we
are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to
respond faster and more effectively to bio-terrorism or an infectious
disease – a plan that will counter threats at home, and strengthen
public health abroad.

As we have for over sixty years, America takes these actions because
our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it
because it is right. That is why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000
Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti
recover and rebuild. That is why we stand with the girl who yearns to
go to school in Afghanistan; we support the human rights of the women
marching through the streets of Iran; and we advocate for the young man
denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on
the side of freedom and human dignity.

Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our
ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible
diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the
notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or
what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by
it;

===================================

This is exactly wrong. You are protected by the constitution and the laws if you abide by them or not, if you adhere to our common values or not.

===================================

that if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no
different than anyone else.

We must continually renew this promise. My Administration has a
Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights
violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our
laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work
with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies
gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who
they are. We are going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws –
so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. And we should
continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system – to secure
our borders, enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by
the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nations.

In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America –
values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from
every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every
day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their
employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give
back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous
in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values they're
living by; business values or labor values. They are American values.

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our
biggest institutions – our corporations, our media, and yes, our
government – still reflect these same values. Each of these
institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work
that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for
failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish
gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or
politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we
lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly
arguments, and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.

No wonder there's so much cynicism out there.

=======================

Every time we payoff senators in the hundreds of millions for their votes and conduct negotiations in secret and abjure amendments and vote on thousand page bills no one has read we redouble the cynicism and disappointment.
=======================

No wonder there's so much disappointment.

I campaigned on the promise of change – change we can believe in,
the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who
aren't sure if they still believe we can change – or at least, that I
can deliver it.

But remember this – I never suggested that change would be easy, or
that I can do it alone. Democracy in a nation of three hundred million
people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do
big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy.
That's just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing
it safe and avoid telling hard truths. We can do what's necessary to
keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead
of doing what's best for the next generation.

But I also know this: if people had made that decision fifty years
ago or one hundred years ago or two hundred years ago, we wouldn't be
here tonight. The only reason we are is because generations of
Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even
when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of
this nation alive for their children and grandchildren.

=======================================

We, the people, have always done what is hard, for ourselves and our families. The government never does what is hard, just what will be in their personal political interest.

=======================================

Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and
some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they
are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this
country have faced this year. And what keeps me going – what keeps me
fighting – is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of
determination and optimism – that fundamental decency that has always
been at the core of the American people – lives on.

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me
of his company, "None of us," he said, "…are willing to consider, even
slightly, that we might fail."

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her
neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are
resilient. We are American."

It lives on in the 8-year old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his
allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it
lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go some
place they've never been and pull people they've never known from
rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!" when another life
was saved.

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.

======================

We, the people, will not quit defending our freedom. And that means getting rid of you and your party.

======================

We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult
decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We
don't quit. I don't quit. Let's seize this moment – to start anew, to
carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.

Thank you. God Bless You. And God Bless the United States of America.